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Doctrine Political Work

A Rocket Force Brigade Focuses on Pre-Combat Mobilization: Speak the Fewest Words, Inspire the Greatest Drive

火箭军某旅聚焦临战动员:讲最短的话,鼓最大的劲
PLA Daily (解放军报) 24 August 2026
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A Rocket Force brigade used a higher-echelon combat-realistic assessment (战斗力评估) to expose and then formally address what its Party committee diagnosed as 机械落实 — mechanical implementation of political work procedures divorced from actual combat requirements — launching a brigade-wide political rectification training (政治整训) campaign that revised its Manual for the Organization and Implementation of Wartime Political Work (《战时政治工作组织实施手册》) and established a standing three-question test before any political work procedure is initiated in exercises. The article documents a recurring PLA institutional problem: political work cadres optimizing for procedural compliance and assessment scores rather than combat utility, a pathology the brigade traces explicitly to years of 'self-designed, self-cycling, self-assessed' peacetime routines. The framing points to ongoing tension between the PLA's drive to make political work genuinely combat-integrated and the institutional incentives that reward spectacle over effect — though how broadly this rectification effort extends beyond this unnamed brigade remains unknown.

To this day, Instructor Kang of a company in a certain Rocket Force brigade still vividly remembers the pre-combat mobilization that was stopped on the spot. It was an experience he had during a higher-echelon combat-realistic assessment. At the time, in accordance with combat procedures, a pre-battle mobilization was required to convey strategic intent, guide officers and soldiers to maintain high morale and a tenacious fighting spirit, and build up fighting spirit and drive.

However, after receiving the task, the first thought that came to Instructor Kang's mind was none of that. What he thought was: classroom instruction and education is his strong suit; if he was going to do it, he should do it well and strive to score high in the assessment and become a model for the entire brigade. He decided that when the time came, he would make full use of the time and run through the complete procedure.

And so, a carefully prepared "premium mobilization" got underway. The venue had to be arranged, tables and chairs set in order, banners hung straight, and the sound system tuned to the right level. From the order of entry to the rhythm of slogans, the entire procedure was meticulously organized. To squeeze out more time for a better display, the subsequent steps of inventory checks and equipment inspections were compressed accordingly, and some of the precious time that should have been used for pre-combat intensive training was also taken up.

On the day of the assessment, not long after the procedure began, the assessment team stopped it on the spot: "Is this a pre-combat mobilization or a variety show?"

The question left Instructor Kang frozen in place. The critique that followed went straight to the point: the purpose of pre-combat mobilization is to build morale and consolidate cohesion, to bring officers and soldiers mentally into a combat state — not to pursue an impressive spectacle or a complete procedure. Spending large amounts of time and energy on venue setup and rehearsal walk-throughs may look good on the surface, but in reality it eats into precious combat preparation time. "On an actual battlefield, will the enemy wait for you to finish hanging your banner before they attack?"

"You sacrificed substance for appearances (为了面子,丢了里子)." That line from the assessment team hit Instructor Kang like a heavy hammer. That assessment exposed quite a few other problems as well. Some units enforcing traffic control, when faced with civilians urgently needing to pass, only knew to rigidly block them per regulations and had no idea how to conduct mass-relations work (群众工作), provoking discontent. Some units that apprehended "enemy agents" managed to physically detain the individuals but, lacking knowledge of the relevant legal requirements, failed to collect evidence in a timely manner. Still other units evacuating "casualties" considered only the distance of the route and not road conditions, and were judged to have delayed the golden window for treatment, resulting in the "casualties" dying despite rescue efforts.

During the after-action review, the brigade Party committee did not stop at addressing the issues on a case-by-case basis. Instead, in conjunction with conducting political rectification training (政治整训), it dug into the root causes of these problems. Gradually, everyone came to recognize that these seemingly unrelated problems all pointed to the same underlying pathology — mechanical implementation (机械落实) without regard for integration with actual combat.

The essence of "mechanical implementation" is a "disconnect" between political work and the requirements of actual combat. The brigade Party committee acutely recognized that this was by no means a capability shortfall of individual cadres, but rather a chronic ailment left by political work operating in a long-term peacetime environment of "self-designed, self-cycling, self-assessed (自我设计、自我循环、自我检验)" processes. To that end, the brigade Party committee took the problems exposed in the assessment as the specific targets of political rectification training, and explicitly stated: political rectification training is not about starting from scratch, but about re-inscribing the character "war (战)" into every directive, every mobilization, and every contingency plan in political work.

Taking Instructor Kang's mobilization as an example: the brigade had compiled and printed a Manual for the Organization and Implementation of Wartime Political Work (《战时政治工作组织实施手册》), which specifies that mobilization must be combined with the unit's actual situation. The notes also emphasize that in urgent situations, mobilization can be conducted while assembling troops, while maneuvering, or while fighting. Yet some cadres only remembered "how to do it" and overlooked "how to integrate it" — they remembered to build morale but forgot to race against time; they remembered to organize activities but forgot to emphasize the combat flavor (战味).

"Regulations and manuals are guides, not dogma." A brigade leader told everyone: if you get used to walking with a crutch, you won't know how to walk once the crutch is gone — this shows that certain comrades have insufficient battlefield awareness and a serious tendency to wait and rely on others.

Battlefield mobilization is born of war and moves for war; its ultimate effectiveness must be able to withstand the test of the battlefield. A brainstorming session themed "rectifying ideological rust (纠治思想锈蚀)" was launched across the entire brigade. In the course of discussion, the brigade Party committee established an iron rule: before initiating political work procedures in combat-realistic exercises, three questions must first be answered — "What does this work have to do with the current enemy situation? Can it be completed faster under existing conditions? If the worst-case scenario occurs, does the contingency plan keep up?" If the three questions cannot be answered clearly, it is better to simplify the procedure than to run through empty motions (空转程序). Relevant departments analyzed the typical problems exposed in the assessment one by one, organized Party member cadres to examine themselves against these problems, and focused on rectifying tendencies such as prioritizing spectacle over effect and prioritizing procedure over actual combat.

During the discussion, Instructor Kang voluntarily stepped forward to speak from personal experience: "My biggest problem was not that I was insufficiently serious about the mobilization, but that I directed my seriousness to the wrong place…" His reflection left many cadres deep in thought. He said he had been thinking all along about how to make the mobilization more "grand (排场)," but had not thought about how to give officers and soldiers greater morale. When the direction is off, the harder you work, the further you drift from actual combat.

After education and rectification, the conduct of the brigade's Party member cadres was effectively tempered. Instructor Kang came to a genuine understanding: in pre-battle mobilization, war comes first — do not pursue grand spectacle; instead, emphasize being short, direct, and fast (短平快), leaving ample time for combat preparation. Content should not be overambitious or all-encompassing; focus on "what is the mission, where is the objective, and how should we proceed" — speak the fewest words, inspire the greatest drive.

The Manual for the Organization and Implementation of Wartime Political Work was also revised and refined with the battlefield in view. For example, the traffic control section was supplemented with key points on military-civilian coordination and communication with the masses; the section on handling enemy agents was refined to include the legal procedures for evidence collection, detention, and handover. When officers and soldiers now consult the manual, they feel more confident: the manual is not a fixed set of answers but a loose-leaf guide (活页指南), and behind every revision lies a consideration grounded in actual combat.

More importantly, revisions to the manual are no longer produced behind closed doors by the staff organs. Instead, after each exercise, political cadres who participated, operations and training staff officers, and grassroots soldier representatives jointly submit proposed revisions, and "homegrown methods (土办法)" and "golden ideas (金点子)" that have been tested in actual combat are promptly incorporated. The manual has transformed from a "fixed set of rules (死规定)" into a "living ledger (活台账)" — which provisions work and which do not, actual combat decides.

Not long ago, higher echelons organized a combat-realistic assessment. The exercise control group (导调组) issued multiple special-situation response tasks in succession to a certain battalion. Officers and soldiers handled them in a manner grounded in reality, taking into account both the battlefield environment and local customs and practices; both adhering to principles and applying flexible adaptation. Instructor Kang also participated in this assessment — no banners, no rehearsal. He stood in front of the formation and completed the mobilization in under ten minutes.

When the mobilization ended, he said only one sentence: "Everyone, follow me!" Some officers and soldiers said that those few words were more effective than any grand reasoning.

Original Chinese
时至今日,火箭军某旅某连康指导员对那场被当场叫停的临战动员仍记忆犹新。 那是他参加上级实战化考核的一段经历。当时,按照作战流程,要通过战前动员传达战略意图,引导官兵保持昂扬斗志与顽强作风,把士气鼓起来、把劲头提上去。 然而,受领任务后,康指导员脑子里冒出的第一个念头却不是这些。他想的是:授课教育是自己的强项,既然要干就干漂亮,争取在考核中拿下高分,成为全旅标杆。他决定,到时抓紧时间,走一遍完整流程。 于是,一场精心筹备的“精品动员”拉开了帷幕。场地要布置,桌椅要摆齐,横幅要挂正,音响要调试到位;从入场顺序到口号节奏,整个流程严密齐备。为了挤出时间更好展示,随后的物资清点、装备检修等环节时间都相应压缩,本应用于临战强化训练的宝贵时间也被占用了一些。 考核那天,流程开始不久,便被考核组当场叫停:“这是临战动员还是文艺汇演?” 这个问题让康指导员愣在原地。接下来的讲评直指要害:临战动员的目的是鼓士气、聚合力,让官兵从思想上进入战斗状态,而不是追求场面好看、流程齐备。把大量时间和精力花在场地布置、彩排走场上,表面上好看出彩,实际上却挤占了宝贵的战斗准备时间。“真到了战场上,敌人会等你拉好横幅再开打吗?” “为了面子,丢了里子。”考核组的这句话,像一记重锤砸在康指导员心上。那次考核,暴露出的问题还有不少。有的单位执行交通管制,面对着急通过的群众,官兵只知按规定硬拦,不会做群众工作,引发不满;有的单位抓“敌特”,人虽控制住了,却因不掌握相关法规要求,未能及时取证;还有的单位后送“伤员”,只考虑路线远近,不考虑路况优劣,被判定延误了黄金救治时间,导致“伤员”抢救无效…… 复盘剖析时,该旅党委没有停留在就事论事的层面,而是结合开展政治整训,对这些问题深挖根源。大家逐渐发现,这些看似各不相干的问题,背后指向同一个症结——只顾机械落实,不顾结合实战。 “机械落实”的本质,是政治工作与实战要求之间的“断层”。旅党委敏锐意识到,这绝非个别干部的能力短板,而是长期和平环境下,政治工作“自我设计、自我循环、自我检验”留下的沉疴。为此,旅党委将此次考核暴露的问题作为政治整训的具体靶标,明确提出:政治整训不是另起炉灶,而是要把“战”字重新刻进政治工作的每一条指令、每一次动员、每一份预案里。 以康指导员开展动员为例,旅队编印有《战时政治工作组织实施手册》,明确动员要结合部队实际,注意事项里也强调:情况紧急时可边收拢边动员、边机动边动员、边战斗边动员。然而有的干部只记住“怎么做”,忽略了“怎么结合”——记住了要鼓士气,忽略了要抢时间;记住了组织活动,忽略了突出战味。 “规定和手册是指南,不是教条。”一位旅领导告诉大家,习惯了拄着拐杖走路,一旦丢了拐杖就不会走,这说明个别同志战场意识不足、等靠思想严重。 战场动员因战而生、为战而动,最终成效必须经得起战场检验。一场以“纠治思想锈蚀”为主题的头脑风暴在全旅展开。讨论中,旅党委定下一条铁规:实战演练中,展开政治工作流程前,必须先回答三个问题——“这项工作和当前敌情有什么关系?能不能在现有条件下更快完成?如果最坏情况发生,预案是否跟得上?”三个问题答不清,宁可简化流程,绝不空转程序。相关部门对考核中暴露的典型问题逐个剖析,组织党员干部对照检视,重点纠治重场面轻效果、重流程轻实战等倾向。 讨论中,康指导员主动站出来现身说法:“我最大的问题,不是动员搞得不认真,而是把认真用错了地方……”他的反思,让不少干部陷入沉思。他说,自己一直在想怎么让动员更有“排场”,却没想怎样让官兵更有士气。方向偏了,越努力离实战越远。 经过教育整改,该旅党员干部作风得到有效锤炼。康指导员真正认识到:战前动员战为先,不追求大场面,要讲求短平快,把充足时间留给作战准备;内容别贪大求全,聚焦“任务是什么、目标在哪里、应该怎么干”,讲最短的话,鼓最大的劲。 那本《战时政治工作组织实施手册》也瞄着战场进行了调整完善。比如,交通管制补充了军地联动和群众沟通要点,敌特处置细化了取证、控制、移交的法律程序。官兵再参考手册内容时,心里更有底数,手册不是固定答案,而是活页指南,每一条修订背后都有立足实战的考量。 更重要的是,手册的修订不再由机关“闭门造车”,而是每次演练结束后,由参演的政治干部、作训参谋、基层战士代表共同提出修改建议,经实战检验过的“土办法”“金点子”被及时吸纳进去。手册从一本“死规定”变成了一本“活台账”——哪条管用、哪条不管用,实战说了算。 前不久,上级组织实战化考核。导调组向某营连续下达多个特情处置课目,官兵处置贴合实际,既考虑了战场环境,又结合了当地民情风俗;既有原则遵循,又有灵活变通。康指导员也参加了这次考核——没有横幅,没有彩排,他站在队伍前,不到10分钟就完成动员。 动员结束,他只说了一句:“大家跟我上!”有官兵说,就这几个字,比讲啥大道理都管用。