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Sharp Words | Resolutely Deter Japanese Right-Wing Forces' Nuclear Ambitions — Be Vigilant Against the Real Threat of Japan's "New Militarism"

锐言丨坚决遏阻日本右翼势力拥核野心——警惕日本“新型军国主义”的现实威胁
PLA Daily (解放军报) 14 August 2026
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PLA-affiliated commentary, published under the 'Sharp Words' (锐评) column, accuses Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi of pursuing a 'gradual nuclear loosening' (渐进式核松绑) by twice declining to reaffirm Japan's Three Non-Nuclear Principles at the Hiroshima and Nagasaki anniversary ceremonies, and cites statements by a Prime Minister's Office security official and Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi as evidence of a coordinated push toward nuclear introduction and nuclear-powered submarines. The article documents how PLA media is framing Japan's defense posture shifts — budget expansion, collective self-defense, weapons exports, and extended deterrence consultations — as a unified 're-militarization' trajectory rather than discrete policy changes, a framing that positions China as the legitimate defender of the postwar order against Japanese revisionism. The piece is standard political-warfare content; its value is as a record of the messaging template Beijing is deploying toward Japanese security policy in mid-2025, not as evidence of a new PLA operational posture.

Recently, Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi twice gave ambiguous statements regarding the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles" at ceremonies marking the 81st anniversary of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, triggering widespread concern in the international community. In her remarks, she spoke at length about Japan's history as a so-called "victim nation of nuclear bombing," yet said not a word about Japan continuing to uphold the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles," once again exposing the Takaichi government's ambition to send "loosening" signals on nuclear issues and attempt to influence the direction of public opinion.

For a long time, successive Japanese governments have publicly declared adherence to the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles" of not possessing, not producing, and not permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons. However, in recent years — and especially since Sanae Takaichi came to power — Japanese right-wing forces have systematically pursued a "gradual nuclear loosening" (渐进式核松绑), probing the red lines of all parties step by step. In November 2025, when asked in the Diet whether she would continue to uphold the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles," Takaichi was evasive and equivocal, raising outside concerns. In December of that year, an official at the Prime Minister's Office responsible for security policy went so far as to declare that "Japan should possess nuclear weapons," sending shockwaves both inside and outside Japan. In October of last year, Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi claimed he would "not rule out any option" on the question of whether Japan should develop nuclear-powered submarines, and in July of this year he directly called for "casting aside taboos," with his rhetoric escalating steadily. From the sitting prime minister to core aides to the defense minister's open clamor, Japan's scheme to seek a "breakthrough" on the question of "nuclear possession" is plainly visible.

Analysts believe that the Japanese ruling authorities' repeated trial balloons about revising the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles" have a short-term objective of breaking through the policy constraint of "not permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons" and opening the door for U.S. nuclear weapons to enter Japan openly. Using so-called regional tensions as a pretext, Japan has on multiple occasions demanded that the United States substantively strengthen its "extended deterrence" umbrella over Japan. At present, the Takaichi government is exploiting the revision of the "Three Security Documents" (安保三文件) to attempt a substantive modification of the "not permitting the introduction of nuclear weapons" clause within the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles." Japan Innovation Party (日本维新会), which governs in coalition with the Liberal Democratic Party, has proposed that Japan retain the two principles of "not possessing" and "not producing" while conducting "realistic deliberations" on the "not introducing" principle. Once a breakthrough is achieved, Japan will in effect become a forward deployment base for its ally's nuclear weapons, which is highly likely to upset the regional strategic balance and seriously undermine regional security and stability.

As far back as World War II, Japan secretly conducted nuclear weapons research and development. It has since built a substantial nuclear industrial capability, possesses a complete nuclear fuel cycle system, and is able to produce weapons-grade nuclear material using existing technology and facilities — a nuclear-threshold state that is universally recognized and closely watched by the international community. In recent years, Japan has been accelerating its "self-loosening" on nuclear weapons policy, including strengthening "extended deterrence" cooperation, seeking "nuclear sharing" arrangements, pushing to develop nuclear-powered submarines, and introducing intermediate-range missile systems with nuclear-capable potential. At the same time, Japan has continued to substantially expand its defense budget, lifted restrictions on the export of lethal weapons, lifted the ban on the exercise of collective self-defense rights, and established a new "National Intelligence Agency" to advance the centralization and militarization of its intelligence apparatus… Japan's dangerous probing on the nuclear weapons issue and the across-the-board expansion of its conventional military power reinforce and drive each other. Its ambition to accelerate "re-militarization" and revive militarism is plain for all to see, and not only seriously undermines the international nuclear non-proliferation regime, but will also seriously threaten the fruits of victory in World War II and the postwar international order.

At present, 128 Japanese local assemblies have called on the Takaichi government to uphold the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles," and the mayors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki have also urged the defense minister to squarely confront the harm caused by nuclear weapons. As a defeated nation in World War II and a non-nuclear-weapon state party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Japan should squarely face the demands and voices of its own people, strictly abide by the "Three Non-Nuclear Principles" and its nuclear non-proliferation obligations, genuinely reflect on its history of aggression, and make a clean break with militarism. The international community must remain highly vigilant against and resolutely deter Japan's nuclear ambitions, jointly safeguard the fruits of victory in World War II, jointly safeguard the nuclear non-proliferation regime, and jointly safeguard international peace and security.

Original Chinese
近日,日本首相高市早苗在广岛和长崎遭原子弹轰炸81周年纪念仪式上两度对“无核三原则”含糊表态,引发国际社会广泛担忧。其在发言中大谈日本所谓“核爆受害国”的历史,却绝口不提日本将继续坚持“无核三原则”,再次暴露了高市政府在涉核问题上释放“松绑”信号、试图影响舆论风向的野心。 长期以来,日本历届政府在公开表态中均宣称遵从不拥有、不制造、不运进核武器的“无核三原则”。然而,近年来尤其是高市早苗执政以来,日本右翼势力系统性推行“渐进式核松绑”,一步步试探各方底线。2025年11月,高市早苗在国会被问及是否继续坚持“无核三原则”时态度模糊、言辞闪烁,引发外界担忧。当年12月,负责安保政策的日本首相官邸官员就扬言“日本应该拥有核武器”,引发日本国内外震动。去年10月,日本防卫大臣小泉进次郎就日本是否发展核潜艇问题声称“不排除任何选项”,今年7月更直接喊出“抛开禁忌”,其调门逐步升高。从现任首相到核心幕僚,再到防卫大臣的公开叫嚣,日本在“拥核”问题上寻求“突破”的图谋清晰可见。 分析人士认为,日本执政当局不断放风修改“无核三原则”,其短期目的是突破“不运进核武器”的政策约束,为美国核武器公开进入日本打开方便之门。日本以所谓地区局势为借口,多次要求美国实质性强化对其“延伸威慑”庇护。当前,高市政府正借修订“安保三文件”之机,企图实质性修改“无核三原则”中的“不运进核武器”条款。与日本自民党联合执政的日本维新会提出,日本应保留“不拥有”和“不制造”两项原则,同时对“不运进”原则“进行现实性探讨”。一旦实现突破,日本将事实上成为盟友核武器的前沿部署基地,极有可能打破地区战略平衡,严重破坏地区安全稳定。 早在二战时期,日本就曾秘密开展核武器研发工作,现已建成较强的核工业能力,具备完整的核燃料循环体系,能够依托现有技术和设施生产武器级核材料,是国际社会公认且高度关注的核门槛国家。近年来,日本在核武器政策上不断加速“自我松绑”,包括强化“延伸威慑”合作,谋求“核共享”安排,推动发展核动力潜艇,引入具有载核潜力的中导系统等。与此同时,日本持续大幅扩充军费,放开杀伤性武器出口,解禁集体自卫权,新设“国家情报局”推进情报体系集权化军事化转型……日本在核武器问题上的危险试探,与常规军力的全面扩张相互呼应、彼此助推。其加速“再军事化”、复活军国主义的野心昭然若揭,不仅严重冲击国际核不扩散体系,还将严重威胁二战胜利成果和战后国际秩序。 当前,要求高市政府坚持“无核三原则”的日本地方议会已达128个,广岛、长崎市长也呼吁防卫大臣正视核武器危害性。作为二战战败国和《不扩散核武器条约》无核武器缔约国,日本理应正视本国民众的诉求和呼声,严格恪守“无核三原则”与核不扩散义务,真正反思侵略历史,同军国主义彻底切割。国际社会必须对日本拥核野心高度警惕、坚决遏阻,共同维护二战胜利成果,共同维护核不扩散体系,共同维护国际和平与安全。