Special Issue on Building the Military Through Politics · Forging Essentials | There Are No Special Persons Beyond Constraint
There Are No Special Persons Beyond Constraint
■ Liu Guangming Liu Ming
Heaven moves in constant patterns; the sun, moon, and stars each follow their own orbits, never overstepping one another. Governing a nation has its way; Party discipline and state law define clear boundaries that must not be breached. Under the sky of Red China, there have never been special persons beyond constraint!
On April 8 of this year, a spring breeze swept across the campus of the National Defense University. At the opening ceremony of the senior cadre training class for the entire military, Chairman Xi's important address rang out with resounding force: "One must understand laws and regulations, know the rules, and hold them in reverence; before laws and regulations, everyone is equal, there are no exceptions in complying with laws and regulations, and there are no exceptions in implementing them." This is not merely a command — it is also a declaration of the supreme commander's resolute will to thoroughly purge privileged thinking (特权思想) and privileged phenomena (特权现象) from our Party and our military, a manifestation of his powerful determination to ensure the red country's mountains and rivers remain forever secure by keeping the People's Army from changing its nature, and an expression of his broad-minded commitment to leading the entire Party and the entire military in steadfastly upholding and practicing their founding mission (初心使命).
Looking back on the new era, words that resound like spring thunder string together the magnificent trajectory of governing the Party and the military with strict discipline —
"No organization or individual may enjoy the privilege of overriding the Constitution and the law."
"Within the Party, it is absolutely impermissible to have special Party members who are not bound by Party discipline and state law, or who even place themselves above the Party Constitution and Party organizations."
"Under the rule of law, no one can harbor the hope of getting away with it, no one can expect to receive grace outside the law, there is no 'iron certificate of immunity from crime' (丹书铁券), and there is no 'iron-capped prince' (铁帽子王)."
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These are the great bells and drums (黄钟大吕), resounding in the heart of every Party member and cadre; they are a bright mirror held high, reflecting the soul of every revolutionary soldier; they are a sharp blade, cutting out the deep-rooted chronic ailments and corrupt practices that remain embedded in the body of our Party and our military.
Time speaks without words; rivers and mountains bear witness. Since the 18th National Congress of the Party, from the investigation and punishment of Guo Boxiong, Xu Caihou, Fang Fenghui, and Zhang Yang, to the investigation and punishment of He Weidong, Miao Hua, and He Hongjun, and then to the investigation and punishment of Zhang Youxia and Liu Zhenli — each heavy blow of anti-corruption has split the sky like a thunderclap, proclaiming the justice and majesty of law and discipline. In the sacred halls of our Party and our military, there are no protective talismans that grant immunity from punishment, only touchstones of loyalty. The Party Central Committee and the Central Military Commission's (中央军委) absolute resolve in the fight against corruption — with no forbidden zones, full coverage, and zero tolerance — will surely lead the People's Army to expel corruption and regenerate, to shed old feathers and be reborn, and with a pure and glorious new political bearing, to write a new chapter in building a strong military and revitalizing the military that is worthy of our revolutionary forebears, worthy of the century-old enterprise, and worthy of this great era.
I
Red flames smelt gold; years forge the soul. The political character of the People's Army is rooted in the years of war and fire, and has accumulated over a journey of nearly one hundred years.
The green pines of Jinggang Mountain remember: Commander Zhu De's carrying pole bore the large characters "Do not take things without permission," manifesting the deep warmth of officers and soldiers sharing hardships alike. The yellow earth of Yan'an bears witness: Chairman Mao's cotton-padded trousers were washed and mended for seven years, his sleeping garments covered in patches, yet he sternly refused special supplies. From "cadres yielding their rations and caring for the wounded and sick" on the Long March, to "leaving the apples for comrades, keeping the thirst for oneself" during the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea — generation after generation of revolutionary forebears demonstrated through their own conduct: in this People's Army of ours, there are no "official lords" (官老爷) who lord it over others, only comrades and brothers who share life and death.
Today, studying Chairman Xi's earnest admonition to "put aside the airs of officialdom and return to the true character of a revolutionary soldier" is both a matter of restoring and carrying forward the fine traditions of our Party and our military, and a matter of winning the political initiative to defend the red country's mountains and rivers and the historical initiative to build a strong military and revitalize the military.
— Only by eliminating special persons beyond constraint can we break out of the historical cycle (历史周期率).
The poison of "special status" is the key variable that gives rise to the historical cycle. Tracing back through the tunnel of time, countless dynasties that once shone brilliantly were hollowed out at their foundations precisely amid the wine, meat, and music behind vermilion gates by those "special persons" who operated outside the bounds of law, becoming cold footnotes in the historical record that attest to the historical cycle.
In 1945, in the cave dwellings of Yan'an, Mr. Huang Yanpei was deeply troubled and posed the timeless question of how to break out of the historical cycle of "rising swiftly and falling suddenly." Chairman Mao replied with composure: let the people supervise the government. Entering the new era, Chairman Xi provided a second answer: self-revolution (自我革命). Both answers strike at the poison of "special status." Like a bolt of lightning, they pierced through the long dark night of "the realm as family property" (家天下) across a thousand years, using the sharp gaze of the people to keep watch over power, and using the sharp weapon of self-revolution to purge the poison and eliminate abuses, absolutely refusing to allow special persons beyond constraint to appear within the Party.
From firing the first shot against corruption during the Ruijin period, to executing Liu Qingshan and Zhang Zishan in the early days of the founding of New China; from the stern warning to be vigilant against "sugar-coated bullets" (糖衣炮弹), to the new era's anti-corruption declaration of "offending thousands, not letting down 1.4 billion" — it is precisely through the consciousness of relying externally on the supervision of the people and internally on self-revolution, in the ongoing process of practicing the "two answers" and purging the poison of "special status," that our Party has steadied crises, consolidated foundations, and opened new horizons.
— Maintain a high degree of political clarity; always be soldiers of the people.
The military takes up arms to defend the state and raises its forces to protect the mountains and rivers — it is the most solid shield of the red country and cannot tolerate even the slightest taint of privilege. During the revolutionary war years, it was precisely because there was no distinction of high and low, noble and base, that officers and soldiers could be forged into a single piece of steel, creating one miracle of war after another. In peacetime, once privileged thinking takes root and privileged phenomena emerge, they will dissolve trust, scatter military morale, and shake the very foundation on which the military is built and on which victory rests.
The poison of "special status" is an invisible arsenic that corrodes the military soul and undermines military morale. Once contaminated, it is as if one has drunk a bewitching potion and been marked with a death warrant, ultimately falling into the bottomless abyss of corruption, degeneration, and divided loyalties (心怀二志). Some senior military cadres who have fallen from grace in recent years were, on the surface, guilty of economic corruption and misconduct, but in essence they had been poisoned politically by "special status."
The lessons of the past are before us; the warning bell rings long. No matter how times develop or conditions change, we need the battle cry of "follow me," not the arrogance of "charge ahead without me"; we need the deep affection of "sharing the same coat with you" (与子同袍), not the estrangement of rigid barriers. Leading cadres must take the lead in breaking down official authority and eliminating official airs, always bearing in mind "I am a soldier, come from among the common people," always serving as a positive force for being "politically strong," injecting powerful positive energy into solidifying the political character of the People's Army, and ensuring that our military always remains a heroic force that the Party and the people can completely trust.
II
In 1944, the U.S. Army Observer Group visited Yan'an and was deeply struck by the contrast between the vigorous, vibrant Yan'an and the decadent, oppressive Chongqing — two entirely different worlds, two entirely different atmospheres. Upon returning, they lavished praise on the Yan'an style to Song Meiling. After listening, Song Meiling responded: "That is because the Chinese Communist Party has not yet truly tasted the flavor of power." Without question, Song's words carried arrogance and prejudice, yet they also pointed to a truth: human nature often wavers between hardship and ease. In times of bitter cold, sinews are easily tempered and resolve is easily steeled; but once one holds the reins of power and lives in comfort, thoughts of extravagance easily arise, a fondness for pleasure easily grows, and one imperceptibly becomes a special person beyond constraint. This poison of "special status" is a sugar coating wrapped around the handle of power — the most severe test of human nature.
For Communists and revolutionary soldiers, the founding mission (初心) is not a memory sealed away in dust, but an answer sheet that is always fresh; not a momentary oath, but a lifelong commitment. Preventing the taste of power from corrupting the founding mission, and guarding against the poison of "special status" causing one to lose one's way — these are eternal subjects that transcend time and space, political interrogations that are always ongoing.
— Contamination by the poison of "special status" often begins with the dissolution of thought.
"Flies do not bite an egg without a crack." Countless cases warn us that the erosion of the poison of "special status" often begins with the loosening of the ideological dam. When there are reckless thoughts within, there will inevitably be reckless actions without — when power is regarded as a badge of identity rather than a weighty responsibility, when applause is seen as "something I deserve" rather than the people's tribute, the vigilant line of defense quietly falls.
Listen to those belated confessions. Some have painfully stated: "I always felt I was a 'special figure,' that the rules were for managing others, not for managing me." Others have lamented: "I grew accustomed to being surrounded by an entourage, could not bear a single word of honest counsel, and gradually became isolated and alone." These monologues reveal precisely the chain of cause and effect from "reckless thought" to "reckless action": a sense of superiority that places oneself above others leads one to become intoxicated by the illusion of power; a carefully woven "hunting ground" causes one to lose vigilance amid warmth and affection.
The rusting of thought is more fearsome than the rusting of a gun barrel. Once one places oneself above the masses, one becomes like a kite with a broken string, drifting away from the earth in self-inflation. Those figures who were once full of vigor ultimately came to understand behind iron bars: so-called "special status" has always been a pass to the abyss; only by maintaining the purity of the soul and rejecting privileged thinking can one grow the armor to resist temptation.
— One must not only see through it, but also endure it, in order to resist the poison of "special status."
Resisting the poison of "special status" tests not only the momentary clarity to see through the temptations of vanity, but also the long-lasting self-discipline to endure the stirrings of private desire.
The trajectories of degeneration of many fallen senior officials all share the same origin and the same logic. They all understood that enjoying privileges beyond one's station is wrong, that indulging in ease and pleasure violates the rules, and that exercising power arbitrarily and without restraint is improper. Yet when faced with temptations that escalated step by step and fawning flattery, they harbored the hope of getting away with it, relaxed their guard, and ultimately fell.
At first it was merely acquiescing to minor preferential treatment and accepting small conveniences; then came the comfortable enjoyment of privileges and immersion in ease and vanity. The ideological line of defense loosened inch by inch; the bottom line of discipline was breached step by step. From clear self-awareness to numb submersion, from self-restraint to unbridled willfulness — the inner commitment was slowly dissolved by gentle temptation, and the pure founding mission was completely numbed by the taste of power.
The greatest test in the world is not an open and brazen attack, but a covert and creeping corrosion. The taste of power is the most grinding of all; the poison of ease is the most harmful of all. Only when Communists and revolutionary soldiers constantly harbor a heart of self-discipline — seeing through temptation clearly, withstanding the lure of vanity, and holding fast to simplicity — can they escape the trap of "boiling a frog in warm water" and forever preserve their revolutionary character.
— Answer well the "question of the founding mission" (初心之问); guard well the source of a pure heart.
The long river of years surges onward; the fire of faith never extinguishes. For every Communist and revolutionary soldier, directly confronting "why did you join the Party, why did you join the military, why did you become a commander" is absolutely not a perfunctory response for a moment in time, but a solemn answer for an entire lifetime — one that must be constantly cultivated, constantly refined, constantly reflected upon, and constantly advanced.
In February 1950, Chairman Mao stayed in Songjiang. Feeling quite uncomfortable at the sight of the delicious food on the table and the magnificent Western-style villa, after listening to reports from the original Songjiang Provincial Committee and Harbin Municipal Committee, he took up his brush and wrote "study," "struggle," and "do not become contaminated with the style of bureaucratism." It was precisely because he had the people in his heart and responsibility in his heart that Chairman Mao regarded preferential treatment as a burden and deeply detested the phenomenon of becoming divorced from the masses.
Those whose founding mission is pure regard privilege as shackles, even as an enemy. At the very outset of Chairman Xi's leadership of the central work, he formulated the Eight-Point Regulation of the Central Committee and the Ten-Point Regulation of the Central Military Commission, targeting the "Four Winds" (四风), and resolutely rectifying and thoroughly eliminating privileged conduct and bad habits. This is precisely the clear-headed choice illuminated by the founding mission — only by severing the roots of privilege can the nature and purpose of our Party and our military be forever preserved.
The founding mission is easy to hold at the start; it is difficult to uphold throughout. For Communists and revolutionary soldiers, the "question of the founding mission" is an eternal examination, and the source of a pure heart must be guarded for a lifetime. Only by constantly warming the founding mission and constantly examining oneself, not being bewitched by power, not being confused by profit, and not being moved by extravagance, can one remain steadfast in one's founding mission and true to one's original character in the great political examination.
III
Looking back over more than one hundred years of Party history and more than ninety years of military history, from the "Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for Attention" (三大纪律八项注意) to the Eight-Point Regulation of the Central Committee and the Ten-Point Regulation of the Central Military Commission — it is precisely those springs of discipline tightened from generation to generation that have driven the People's Army through wind and rain, ever victorious.
Can one not see that every one of those "special persons" who fell into the abyss began with "not being fussy about small matters," slid down through "this will be the last time," and ended in "an unmanageable mess"? Once the switch of discipline slips, the floodwaters of power will breach the dam of law and discipline. History has long made clear: the true iron Great Wall lies not only in the sharpness of guns and cannons, but even more in the strictness of discipline; and all "special status" that places itself above the law will ultimately be exposed in the sunlight of discipline.
— The "broken windows effect" (破窗效应) amplifies privileged phenomena.
"A dike of a thousand zhang collapses from the hole made by an ant; a room of a hundred feet burns from a crack in the chimney." Han Feizi's warning from more than two thousand years ago still rings out deafeningly today.
Throughout history, corruption and degeneration have all begun with the loosening of discipline and the loss of small matters. Once the string of discipline slackens even slightly, the ideological dam will quietly begin to seep. Seemingly trivial flaws that appear harmless and go uncorrected will, over time, grow inch by inch and become impossible to reverse, leading Party members and cadres to gradually break through the bottom lines and red lines in a state of unchecked drift, ultimately falling into the abyss of violating discipline and the law.
Even more fearsome is the "broken windows effect." When principal leading cadres fail to inspect and manage for extended periods, or even take the lead in overstepping boundaries, those below will follow suit, causing privileged thinking to spread everywhere and the entire political ecosystem to deteriorate accordingly.
If unhealthy tendencies are not eliminated, righteous spirit cannot be uplifted. Under a corrupt political ecosystem, those who scheme and exploit privilege run rampant, while Party members and cadres who uphold principles and remain upright are instead squeezed out, suppressed, and even subjected to reverse elimination. Only by catching problems early and when they are small, preventing minor issues from becoming major ones, enforcing discipline strictly, and tackling problems head-on — resolutely breaking down the walls of privilege and purging unhealthy tendencies — can a clean and upright political ecosystem be cultivated, and a broad stage be built where the loyal, courageous, and upright can "leap freely as fish in open seas, soar freely as birds in high skies."
— Use the satisfaction of the people and the masses as a "calibration instrument."
The stricter the discipline, the better the image and prestige of leading cadres; the stricter the self-requirements of leading cadres, the higher the satisfaction of the masses and the officers and soldiers. This principle has always operated throughout history and in reality. Governing officials strictly and enforcing discipline strictly may appear to be a constraint on Party members and cadres, but in reality it establishes prestige and credibility, and consolidates military morale and popular sentiment.
History has repeatedly proven that the scale of discipline is the temperature of credibility. Revolutionary forebears dedicated themselves to the Party and the nation, were strict with themselves in serving the public, proactively gave up personal ease and rejected special treatment, shared hardships with officers and soldiers, and weathered storms together with the masses. It was precisely this consciousness of not seeking special treatment and strictly maintaining Party character that made the image of our Party and our military shine brilliantly and won the wholehearted allegiance of the people.
Chairman Xi has pointed out: "Rules are meant to be constraining, so they need to be tight. Being tight naturally makes one uncomfortable, and there is a problem with comfort — the point is to be a little uncomfortable, a little ill at ease. If we are a little uncomfortable and a little ill at ease, the comfort level of the common people will be a little better, their satisfaction will be a little higher, and their feeling toward us will be a little better." This is the iron law of history, and also the call of the times.
— Use strict discipline to manage unconstrained words and actions.
In governing the Party, the state, and the military, strictness is paramount; in establishing the heart, the word, and the deed, discipline is the foundation. Looking back on the journey of suffering and glory, the reason our Party and our military have been able to weather storms with their integrity ever more firm, and to endure repeated trials with their enterprise ever more flourishing, lies importantly in the genetic code of always putting discipline in the forefront — acting swiftly and decisively with a tight pace, rectifying unhealthy tendencies with a strict keynote, and honing conduct with a solid standard.
In 1937, Zhang Lingfu was reinstated to his post two years after shooting his wife dead in a fit of hatred born of passion. That same year, Mao Zedong personally approved the execution of Huang Kegong, who had killed a female student when his attempt to force her into marriage failed. Similar cases, different dispositions — two different underlying characters laid bare. A Nationalist general who committed a grave crime could rely on the privilege of his status and the protection of his connections to escape severe punishment; a meritorious figure in our revolutionary ranks, no matter how many battle achievements he had accumulated, could not be exempted from punishment by virtue of his merits if he broke the law. One lenient, one strict; one loose, one tight — this makes clear: the law and discipline of our military represent the will of the Party and the people; the law shows no favoritism, and the law stands as firm as a mountain; no one may place themselves above the law.
Today, we must likewise tighten up, become stricter, and become more substantive in terms of law and discipline. "Tight" means keeping the string of discipline taut at all times, never relaxing at any moment. "Strict" means zero tolerance for all violations and transgressions, with no "this will be the last time" and no "there are extenuating circumstances." "Substantive" means implementing discipline and rules in every word and action, managing those "free-ranging" (天马行空) thoughts and "willful and reckless" (任性妄为) conduct. Unconstrained words and actions must be struck down the moment they appear and corrected the moment they surface; they must absolutely not be allowed to fester.
Those who enforce discipline must be absolutely firm; those who correct abuses must not yield an inch. One must use thunderous means to break the psychology of hoping to get away with it, use strict and substantive discipline to purge unhealthy tendencies, thoroughly eradicate the soil and conditions in which privilege breeds, and forge a crack force that is strictly disciplined, with a solid work style, loyal and pure.
IV
If the soul of a system is justice, the earth of society will not become barren. A system is like a riverbed — it determines whether the water of social operation flows as a surging clear stream or stagnates as a putrid backwater. Truly stable order lies in casting "the public heart" (公心) into the bones and sinews of the legal system. If the design of a system harbors hidden partiality — using the name of "fairness" to practice "special favor," allowing a minority to place themselves above the rules — then the justice written on paper will ultimately become a mirage.
History has long made clear: when the scales of a system tilt toward power and influence, privilege will grow wildly and erode the foundations of society. Only by ensuring that every rule embodies the essence of fairness, and that every ruling reflects the light of justice, can lofty values and principles be transformed into happiness and beauty that can be felt and reached.
— Let system design align with theoretical orientation.
Truth is like a torch, illuminating the entire system; a system is like a channel, guiding the clear spring of truth. When the light of scientific theory penetrates the page and is deeply embedded in the workings of the legal system, society becomes like a precision timepiece, meshing together a symphony of order and vitality. Conversely, if grand theories hang in mid-air while footsteps sink into the mud, and "principles on paper" and "the path underfoot" point in opposite directions, the cornerstone of trust will silently crumble.
In the long scroll of history, those moments when the sunlight of fairness and justice pierced through the haze have all been moments of passionate embrace between truth and system — from the Party's system of absolute leadership over the military breaking with the feudal military system, to the modern rule of law placing power in a cage — all attest: only by ensuring that every regulation is imbued with the sweetness of truth can the authority of the system stand like a lighthouse, and the torch of faith in the hearts of officers and soldiers burn ever brighter.
Today's China is calibrating its course with the compass of thought. By deeply studying and carefully comprehending the Party's innovative theories, and letting the light of truth of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era — especially Xi Jinping's Thought on Strengthening the Military (习近平强军思想) — illuminate every vein of governing the military according to law, we must condense nourishment in the words and lines of regulations, let the entitlements that are due be steadily upheld by the arms of the system, and let overstepping privilege be blocked and dissolved before the iron rules. When the seeds of theory take root in the soil of the system, we will ultimately see — a brighter future with more warmth and more strength is growing and flourishing in the concerto of truth and system.
— Let system design align with the orientation of consolidating foundations.
Power is a double-edged sword; once the one who wields it harbors narrow-mindedness and allows thought to rust, it will turn and wound oneself. When a political party holds the power and resources of state governance, a kind of hidden inertia easily takes root and grows in secret — always thinking of lightly turning the gears of the system to find a convenient hidden path for oneself to avoid wind and rain. Little does one know that this seemingly comfortable small door is in fact the door of calamity through which the poison of "special status" enters the body of the political power and erodes the roots of faith.
Starting an enterprise is difficult; maintaining it is even harder. Breaking the old world and seizing power relied on the courage to sacrifice one's life and the popular will of united hearts; but guarding the country and consolidating the foundation of governance tests the clarity to turn the blade inward and the resolve for self-revolution. The most difficult thing of all is to always wage resolute struggle against one's own private interests, to anchor the gears of the system to fairness and justice, to strictly prevent privilege from operating openly under a cloak of legality, and to strictly prevent public power from being perverted into a tool for a minority to seek profit.
The Communist Party of China always holds high the mirror of vigilance and strictly prevents the operation of the system from deviating from the right path. Our system design is deeply rooted in the underlying color of fairness and justice, ensuring that power always operates in the sunlight, that resources always flow within the rules, that overstepping privilege has nowhere to hide, that backroom dealings lose their space, and that public power always serves the warmth and welfare of every household. This system, rooted in the people and guarding justice, protects tens of millions of ordinary citizens in living and working in peace and contentment and sharing in the fruits of development. A political power that so accords with the great way will surely remain as steady as a rock through wind and rain, and grow ever stronger with the passage of time.
— Let system design align with the direction of popular sentiment.
The people's heart is like a mirror — it can reflect one's innermost being; the people's heart is like a ruler — it can measure the legal system. In the mind of the leader, the two characters "people's heart" (民心) weigh a thousand jun. This is not only a deep and abiding affection, but also the benchmark for governing the state. Our Party's theories are created from practice; the Party's will is tempered in history — at bottom, all of this is the echo of the voices of hundreds of millions of people. The greatest politics, in the final analysis, is the question of whether the hearts of the people are won or lost.
A good system must necessarily accord with popular sentiment and guard justice. One must constantly use the mirror of the people's heart to examine all kinds of laws and regulations, and routinely calibrate systemic deviations. For the welfare and benefits that align with military and popular sentiment and align with the essential needs of performing one's duties, these must be solidified, upheld, and implemented with rigidity. For special treatment that breeds privilege, departs from the public heart, and is resented by officers and soldiers, it must be resolutely cleaned up, banned, and thoroughly rectified. Use the iron hand of the system to break down the chaos of privilege and sever private greed and desire, so that special persons who overstep their authority and act arbitrarily, and special acts that violate rules and transgress boundaries, have absolutely nowhere to exist — truly allowing every system to shine with the brilliance of fairness and justice.
Ahead lies the vastness of the sea of stars; behind us are the hopes of hundreds of millions of soldiers and civilians. Let us forge a torrent of steel with iron discipline, sweep all the poison of "special status" into the dustbin of history, and forge the sturdy grass in fierce winds and the true gold in raging fire of the new era and the new journey!