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Junzhengping: The Nanchang Uprising — A Young Party's Choice on the Eve of Dawn

钧正平:南昌起义——一个年轻政党在黎明前的抉择
PLA Daily (解放军报) 28 July 2026
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The PLA's Junzhengping commentary column published a narrative account of the August 1, 1927 Nanchang Uprising timed to Army Day, centering on the Front Committee debates chaired by Zhou Enlai, Zhang Guotao's failed attempt to halt the action on Comintern authority, Zhu De's improvised detention operation against Yunnan Army regimental commanders, and the two-hour advance of the start time after deputy battalion commander Zhao Fusheng defected to Zhu Peide's Fifth Army Group. This is standard Army Day political-education content; its value is as a record of how the PLA currently frames institutional legitimacy — emphasizing collective resolve over individual heroism, the party's authority over Comintern direction, and He Long's pre-membership loyalty as a model of unconditional subordination — not as evidence of a new doctrinal or policy line.

In the spring and summer of 1927, Chiang Kai-shek and Wang Jingwei successively betrayed the revolution, launching mass arrests and killings of Communist Party members and revolutionary masses. The young Chinese Communist Party faced the danger of being dismantled and annihilated. In mid-July, the CCP Central Committee decided to launch an armed uprising in Nanchang. Zhou Enlai was appointed Secretary of the Front Committee (前委), and the forces of He Long and Ye Ting arrived in succession.

Preparations were complete, awaiting only the order.

But before the order was issued, a man arrived first.

On the morning of July 30, in a classroom at the Nanchang Women's Vocational School, an emergency meeting of the Front Committee was underway.

Zhang Guotao attended in the capacity of Central Committee representative, claiming to relay a Comintern telegram instructing them to cooperate with Zhang Fakui, commander-in-chief of the Second Army Group.

Less than half a day remained before the originally scheduled time of the uprising. Should they obey the "order" and halt the action, or proceed according to the original plan?

"Everything is ready, and we're still sitting here discussing?" Li Lisan's voice carried heat.

"The Comintern has killed the Chinese revolution! Now that everything is ready for the Nanchang uprising, suddenly some international directive arrives to stop our action — I am absolutely opposed to this, unto death." Yun Daiying was even more impassioned.

The normally gentle and refined Zhou Enlai also rose to his feet, slammed the table, and shouted at Zhang Guotao: "The international representative and the Central Committee gave me the task of coming here to lead this action. Now you bring an order like this — I cannot bear this responsibility. I will return to Wuhan immediately to report to the Central Committee."

Faced with the Front Committee's fierce resistance, Zhang Guotao turned to Ye Ting — he recalled that this commander seemed to have reservations about the uprising.

Ye Ting replied in earnest: "Given the actual situation, there is no choice but to press forward regardless of everything!"

In fact, Zhang Fakui had already publicly "purged the Communists" (分共) under pressure from Wang Jingwei. The so-called "cooperation" was nothing more than a worthless, expired promissory note. To attach themselves to him would be tantamount to handing over the revolutionary forces on a platter.

The debate reached no conclusion, and the matter was left for the following day.

"Tick, tick…" The antique-style pendulum clock on the west side of the festive hall at the Jiangxi Grand Hotel ticked quietly on.

On the morning of July 31, the Front Committee convened again at this location.

Zhang Guotao still attempted to use his standing as Central Committee representative to obstruct the uprising. But the comrades of the Front Committee understood clearly that the moment would not wait — every second bore on the future of the revolution — and they unanimously and explicitly opposed him.

Seeing that not a single person supported him, Zhang Guotao finally relented and submitted to the majority.

At that moment, an even more urgent piece of intelligence arrived: Zhang Fakui was about to reach Nanchang on August 1. Orders had already been issued demanding that Ye Ting and He Long withdraw to Jiujiang; warrants for the arrest of Communist Party members had been issued; the Second Army Group's "purge of Communists" (清共) had become open.

There was no longer any room to debate "whether to launch the uprising." The only option was to burn their boats (破釜沉舟) before he arrived.

Ye Ting drafted the combat order: "In order to achieve the objective of eliminating the enemy forces in Nanchang, our army has decided to begin attacking enemy forces stationed inside and outside the city at 0400 hours tomorrow (the 1st), annihilating them in a single stroke!"

In the courtyard of the Grand Hotel, several large water vats had long since been filled with boiled water for the uprising soldiers to drink.

The combat order for the uprising had been issued. Yet the man who shouldered overall command of the uprising was He Long — who had not yet joined the Party at that time.

Since the Northern Expedition of 1926, He Long had repeatedly and proactively applied to join the Chinese Communist Party; he had long been convinced that only the Communist Party could save the workers and peasants. Chiang Kai-shek had dangled five million silver dollars, the Hanyang Arsenal, and the title of Wuhan Garrison Commander before him as inducements. On one side lay power and glory within easy reach; on the other, a revolutionary path with nine chances of death to one of survival under the White Terror. He never wavered in the slightest.

As early as the day after arriving in Nanchang, Zhou Enlai had personally gone to the 20th Army headquarters (Zigu Road) to meet with He Long and disclosed the entire uprising plan without reservation. Faced with the Party organization's unconditional trust, He Long did not hesitate for a moment, declaring with absolute resolve: "I will follow the Communist Party's orders completely! Whatever you tell me to do, I will do."

The day before the uprising, inside the hall where the officers' meeting was convened. He Long's gaze swept over the brothers-in-arms assembled below — men who shared his life and death — and he laid bare the perilous situation before them all: "The Kuomintang has betrayed the revolution. The Kuomintang is dead. Today we must raise the banner of revolution anew and oppose the reactionary government. Acting on the orders of the Communist Party, I have decided to lead the troops in an uprising. Those willing to follow me, we will make revolution together; those unwilling to follow me may leave the unit." The assembled officers responded in unison: "We will follow resolutely!"

The troops' resolve was set, and all units simultaneously began pre-battle reconnaissance.

Everything was advancing according to plan — yet no one had noticed that someone within the ranks had harbored treacherous intentions.

While the troops were making final preparations, the Front Committee assigned Zhu De a special task: to use his old ties with the Yunnan Army (滇军) to detain the regimental commanders of two enemy regiments.

The 23rd and 24th Regiments of the Yunnan Army garrisoning the city were the main defending force. With their commanders absent, the chain of command would be severed.

On the evening of the 31st, as dusk fell, the Jiabin Lou on Nanchang's Houqiang Road was already ablaze with lights.

It was still early before the scheduled time of the uprising. Zhu De invited the group to play mahjong, maximizing the distance between the commanders and their units. At the mahjong table, the enemy regimental commanders played with great enjoyment, completely unaware of the storm gathering in the city.

At around 9 p.m., an enemy officer burst in to report: there might be an uprising that night. The enemy regimental commanders rose in a panic and took their leave.

Should he forcibly detain them to stabilize the situation? Or hold his position for the time being?

Zhu De remained outwardly calm while in an instant weighing the pros and cons — forcibly detaining them would expose his side's intentions and easily provoke a frenzied counterattack by the enemy. In the end, he let everyone go without revealing anything, then went directly to He Long's command post to report the emergency.

How the intelligence had leaked was unclear. But Zhu De knew that the time left for the uprising forces was running out.

At 10 p.m. on the night of July 31, He Long urgently reported to the Front Committee: Zhao Fusheng, deputy battalion commander of the 1st Division of the 20th Army, had defected!

This traitor had secretly slipped into the headquarters of Zhu Peide's Fifth Army Group and disclosed the entire uprising plan.

The air in the command post suddenly tightened — What to do? What to do? What to do?

To delay was to sit and await destruction; to proceed as planned was no different from walking into a trap — advance or retreat, both were dead ends. A moment's hesitation, and days of preparations and the lives of countless people would all be lost.

After a silence of seconds or minutes, Zhou Enlai spoke — move the uprising time forward from 0400 hours to 0200 hours!

The time of the uprising was drawing ever closer. A decision had to be made immediately. Only by striking while the enemy was still dispersed, launching a surprise attack, could the spark of the uprising be preserved!

Outside the window, a sudden gust of night wind rose, rustling the leaves in the courtyard.

Midnight had passed. The hour hand crept toward 2 a.m.

— Bang! Bang! Bang! Three crisp signal shots rang out.

"Rivers and mountains unified! (河山统一!)"

Using this as their password, the uprising troops — red neckties around their necks, white towels tied to their arms — launched a fierce assault on the enemy in the faint light of oil lamps and torches.

Inside the Jiangxi Grand Hotel, the tea on the table had long gone cold. Zhou Enlai stood at the window, eyes fixed on the gunfire erupting outside like a sudden downpour, one hand still resting on the telephone receiver he had just hung up, his knuckles faintly white. Multiple fronts inside the city opened fire simultaneously; battle reports kept coming in.

The direction of the densest gunfire was the old Provincial Administration Yamen (旧藩台衙门).

That was the most fiercely contested position in the entire battle — the defending enemy had set up machine guns on both sides of the main gate, sealing off the critical Gulou thoroughfare. He Long, heedless of the threat of bullets, advanced to within two hundred meters of the enemy position to command in person, simultaneously diverting troops to seize the high ground on rooftops and directing squads to scale walls and outflank the enemy's rear, tearing open the enemy's defensive line.

Four hours of bloody fighting. Over 3,000 enemy troops annihilated. The entire city of Nanchang liberated.

The traitor Zhao Fusheng was identified among the captured and executed on the spot.

Dawn broke.

The morning light of August 1 pierced through the gunsmoke and fell upon the roof of the Jiangxi Grand Hotel. The banner of victory was raised high atop the building.

From the reign of blood and terror in the spring and summer of 1927 to the gunshots that split the long night, the Nanchang Uprising was by no means a flash of inspiration by a group of heroes at a critical moment. It was the choice and resolve (抉择与担当) that a young party learned in the face of desperate circumstances.

It was precisely these actions taken at the crossroads of life and death that used blood and fire to proclaim the determination to carry the revolution through to the end, and translated a written decision to "take up arms in resistance" into the gunshots that turned the tide of history (扭转乾坤).

This dawn belonged to Nanchang — and even more, to the Chinese revolution. From this day forward, the history of the Chinese Communist Party independently leading revolutionary war and founding the people's army officially began.

Original Chinese
1927年春夏,蒋介石、汪精卫相继叛变革命,大肆捕杀共产党员和革命群众。年轻的中国共产党面临被瓦解、消灭的危险。 7月中旬,中共中央决定在南昌举行武装起义,周恩来被任命为前敌委员会书记,贺龙、叶挺部队也相继抵达。 准备就绪,只等一声命令。 但命令还没下达,先等来了一个人。 7月30日上午,南昌女子职业学校的一间教室里,前委紧急会议正在进行。 张国焘以中央代表身份参加,声称传达共产国际来电要他们与第二方面军总指挥张发奎合作。 此时离原定起义时间已不足半天,是服从“命令”停止行动,还是依原计划行事? “什么都准备好了,我们还坐在这里讨论?”李立三声音里带着火。 “共产国际害死了中国革命!现在南昌暴动一切准备好了,忽然来了什么国际指示,阻止我们的行动,我是誓死反对的。”恽代英更是激昂。 一向温文尔雅的周恩来也站起身,拍着桌子冲着张国焘喊道:“国际代表及中央给我的任务是叫我来主持这个行动,现在给你的命令又如此,我不能负责了,我要即刻回汉口向中央报告。” 面对前委的强烈抵制,张国焘又转向叶挺——他记得这位将领似乎对暴动有所顾虑。 叶挺却认真回说:“根据实况,只有不顾一切地干下去!” 事实上,张发奎已在汪精卫压力下公开“分共”,所谓“合作”不过是一张过期的空头支票。依附他,无异于把革命力量拱手送上。 争论无果,留待次日再议。 “咔哒、咔哒......”江西大旅社喜庆礼堂西侧的仿古座钟静静地走着。 7月31日上午,前委会议在这里再次召开。 张国焘仍试图以中央代表身份阻止起义。但前委的同志们很清楚,时机不等人,当下的每一秒都关乎革命前途,遂一致明确反对。 眼见无一人支持,张国焘才终于松口服从多数。 此时,一个更紧迫的消息传来——张发奎即将于8月1日赶到南昌。限令叶挺、贺龙撤回九江的命令已发,缉捕共产党员的手令已经下达,第二方面军“清共”已公开化。 这时候已经没有“要不要起义”的讨论余地,而是必须在他赶到前破釜沉舟。 叶挺拟定作战命令:“我军为达到解决南昌敌军的目的,决定于明(一)日四时开始向城内外所驻敌军进攻,一举而歼之!” 大旅社天井里,几只大水缸早就灌满了白开水,待起义士兵们饮用。 起义作战命令已经签发,扛起起义总指挥权的,却是彼时尚未入党的贺龙。 自1926年北伐时起,贺龙便多次主动申请加入中国共产党,他早已笃定唯有共产党能救工农百姓。蒋介石曾抛出五百万光洋、汉阳兵工厂、武汉卫戍司令的头衔拉拢他,一边是唾手可得的权势荣华,一边是白色恐怖下九死一生的革命道路,他始终未曾动摇分毫。 早在抵达南昌后的第二天,周恩来便亲赴第20军军部(子固路)会见贺龙,将起义计划全盘告知。面对党组织毫无保留的信任,他没有半点犹疑,斩钉截铁地说:“我完全听共产党的命令!要我怎样干就怎样干。” 起义前一天,军官会议召开的礼堂内。贺龙目光扫过台下这些生死兄弟,当众剖明危局:“国民党已经叛变了革命,国民党已经死了。我们今天要重新树立起革命的旗帜,反对反动政府。根据共产党的命令,我决定带部队起义。愿意跟我走的,我们一块革命;不愿意跟我走的,可以离开部队。”与会军官齐声喊道:“坚决跟着走!” 军心已定,各部队同时展开了战前侦察。 一切都在按计划推进,却无人察觉,队伍中有人暗生异心。 部队整装备战之时,前委交给朱德一项特殊任务——利用与滇军的旧谊,拖住敌军两个团的团长。 城内滇军23、24团是守敌主力,团长不在位,指挥链路就断了。 31日傍晚,夜幕初降,南昌后墙路的嘉宾楼已是灯火通明。 此时距离预定起义时间还早。朱德又邀约众人打麻将,最大限度拉开指挥官与所属部队的距离。牌桌上,敌军团长们玩得不亦乐乎,浑然不觉城中风云暗涌。 晚9时许,一名敌军军官闯入报告:今晚恐有暴动。敌团长们听后慌忙起身告辞。 是强行扣留稳住局面?还是暂时按兵不动? 朱德面上镇定,心中须臾间已权衡利弊——若强行扣留,反倒暴露我方意图,容易引来敌军疯狂反扑。最终他不动声色地放走众人,转身赴贺龙指挥部上报险情。 消息从何泄露还不清楚。但朱德知道,留给起义队伍的时间不多了。 7月31日深夜10点钟,贺龙急报前委:20军1师的副营长赵福生叛逃了! 这个叛徒偷偷潜入朱培德的第五方面军总指挥部,将起义计划全部泄露。 指挥所里的空气骤然收紧——怎么办?怎么办?怎么办? 推迟,等于坐以待毙;照旧,无异于自投罗网——进退皆是死局。迟疑片刻,数日筹备与无数人的身家性命便会尽数葬送。 几秒还是几分钟的沉默后,周恩来开口了——将起义时间从凌晨4时提前到2时! 距离起义时间越来越临近,必须当机立断,趁着敌军还处于分散状态下,出其不意发动袭击,才能保住起义的火种! 窗外的夜风骤起,院内的树叶被吹得沙沙作响。 午夜已过,时针逐渐指向凌晨2时。 ——砰!砰!砰!三声清脆的信号枪响。 “河山统一!” 起义军以此为口令,颈系红领带,臂扎白毛巾,在马灯和火把的微光中,向敌人发起猛攻。 江西大旅社里,桌上的茶已经凉透。周恩来站在窗前,目光紧盯着外面骤雨般的枪火,一只手还搭在刚刚挂断的电话机上,指节微微泛白。城内多处战线同时打响,战况不断传来。 枪声最密的方向,是旧藩台衙门。 那是整场战斗最焦灼的阵地——守敌在大门两侧架起机枪,死死封锁鼓楼要道。贺龙不顾枪弹威胁,抵近至敌阵两百米内现场指挥,一边抽调兵力抢占屋顶制高点,一边指挥分队翻墙迂回敌后,撕开敌军防线。 四小时血战,歼敌3000余人,南昌全城解放。 叛徒赵福生从俘虏队列中被认出,就地正法。 天,亮了。 8月1日的晨曦穿透硝烟,照在江西大旅社的楼顶上。胜利的旗帜在大楼顶端高高升起。 从1927年春夏的腥风血雨,到划破长夜的枪响,南昌起义绝非一群英雄在关键时刻的灵光一现,而是一个年轻政党在绝境中学会的抉择与担当。 正是这些生死关头的行动,用血与火宣告了将革命进行到底的决心,把一纸“武装反抗”的决定落实成了扭转乾坤的枪声。 这黎明,属于南昌,更属于中国革命。从这一天起,中国共产党独立领导革命战争、创建人民军队的历史,正式开启。